As Dewsbury 4

See Dewsbury 1-3

All Saints

Worn but the carved detail is clear.

Only one carved face survives on this piece. The face is panelled, with flat-band horizontal panel dividers, both surviving examples with inscriptions (see below). Both panels are incomplete on the left. There are traces of the same cable moulding as on Dewsbury 4, on the right-hand edge. There is no curve on the carved face, and so this seems part of a squared or rectangular shaft also like Dewsbury 4. There are remains of two panels, both with an inscription on a flat, deeply undercut, horizontal moulding above the scene to which it refers.
(i) The reference in the upper inscription is clearly to water made into wine, and therefore refers to the Miracle at Cana which is indeed represented below. A row of four water jars partly covers the figure on the left and the central figure. The central figure is a standing frontal Christ. His dished nimbus, like those of his companions, has a fine rolled border. His hair is indicated, his eyes are drilled; the rest of his features are worn but he probably had a beard. He holds a scroll in his left hand and blesses with his right, possibly with hand held up and palm out. The Virgin with the same nimbus and draped head stands on his right, the position of her drilled eyes and three-quarter profile nose shows she turns towards her son. On Christ's left is a standing male figure, St John, also nimbed, holding a scroll. He has arched eyebrows and drilled eyes and appears to be clean shaven. The drapery of all three figures has stylised tubular folds.
(ii) The inscription here implies that the scene below represents the Miracle of the Loaves and Fishes. There is certainly a figure below, with a dished nimbus with a fine rolled edge, just to the left of centre. He turns and may raise his arm to his right, as his arched brows and drilled eyes show. To his right are two round objects which may be two of the loaves; the two horizontal objects below this may represent one of Christ's arms, and an object below this may represent the two fishes but this is not now clear. To Christ's left is a crowd represented by at least six heads. That immediately to his left has hair, eyes, a nose and mouth; it is mainly the drilled eyes which survive of the rest.

Inscriptions The two inscriptions (Okasha 1971, no. 32) are cut into raised horizontal bands above each of the two carved figure scenes (Ills. 205–7). A portion of each inscribed band has been lost on the left-hand side but the right- hand end of the band is preserved in both cases. The letters range in height between 2.5 and 2.8 cm in the upper line and 2.5 and 3.0 cm in the lower line. The letters now appear to have been lightly incised, but there has no doubt been some loss of depth through the weathering or abrasion that has made parts of the inscriptions illegible.

(i) What remains of the upper line can be read as follows:

The text is incomplete at the beginning. The only complete word is the Latin verb fecit. The remaining strokes of the damaged letter at the start of the line were almost certainly the diagonal and right vertical of capital N. Similarly, enough remains of the last three letters for them to be read with some confidence as E (vertical, upper horizontal and traces of middle bar), X (diagonal from top left to bottom right) and A (the two diagonals but no cross-bar). In the context of the Miracle at Cana represented below, the text can be reconstructed as: — [VIN]VM FECIT [EX A(QVA)] — ('[Jesus] made wine from water'). This is not a direct quotation from the Vulgate but can be compared to John 2, 9 and 4, 46 'Ut autem gustavit architriclinus aquam vinum factam, et non sciebat unde esset'; 'Venit ergo iterum in Cana Galilaeae, ubi fecit aquam vinum' ('And when the chief steward had tasted the water made wine, and knew not whence it was'; 'He came again therefore into Cana of Galilee, where he had made the water wine'). There is now no bar or other mark to indicate that the A is an abbreviation of aqua, although it is possible that there may have been a mid-line point after the A at the point where there is a depression in the stone (probably the result of damage).

(ii) What remains of the lower line can be read as follows:

The clearly legible part of this inscription can be reconstructed as: ET DVO PIS(CES), if pis is taken as an abbreviation by suspension for pisces ('and two fish'). Alternatively but less probably, it could be reconstructed as ET DVO PIS[CES ] —, on the assumption that the inscription continued elsewhere and that the last three letters have been lost. In that case, the mid-line point that follows PIS may have been an indication to the reader to look below the carving, for the rest of the word and the continuation of the inscription. (A mid-line point is used in this way in the inscription accompanying the Christ adored by the beasts panel on the Ruthwell cross (Cassidy 1992, pl. 23).)

The text clearly identified the scene below as the Miracle of the Loaves and Fishes. All four of the Gospels tell the story of the feeding of the multitude with five loaves and two fishes. The phrase 'duos pisces' or 'duo pisces' (in the accusative) occurs five times:

'Non habemus hic nisi quinque panes et duos pisces' (Matthew 14, 17, 'We have not here, but five loaves, and two fishes')
'Et dicit eis: Quot panes habetis? ite, et videte. Et cum cognovissent, dicunt: Quinque, et duos pisces' (Mark 6, 38, 'How many loaves have you? go and see. And when they knew, they say: Five, and two fishes')
'Benedixit, et fregit panes, et dedit discipulis suis, et ponerent ante eos: et duos pisces divisit omnibus' (Mark 6, 41, 'He blessed, and broke the loaves, and gave to his disciples to set before them: and two fishes he divided among them all')
'Non sunt nobis plus quam quinque panes et duo pisces' (Luke 9, 13, 'We have no more than five loaves and two fishes')
'Est puer unus hic qui habet quinque panes hordeacaeos et duos pisces' (John 6, 9, 'There is a boy here that hath five barley loaves, and two fishes')

It is only in Luke that the form duo rather than duos is used. Since the loaves appear to have been represented, one would expect the inscription to have referred to the five loaves and two fishes (i.e. quinque panes et duo pisces), rather than to the division of the two fishes. However, it is not possible to reconstruct panes from what remains at the beginning of the text. The two verticals and the probable B followed by a small gap that precede the ET could be explained as the end of an abbreviated form of a word terminating in –ibus, in which case a mark of abbreviation (which could have resembled a colon, a semi-colon or a 3) may once have occupied the gap between B and DVO. If, as is most likely, this text occupied a single line only, [OMNIB(VS)] ET DVO PIS(CES) ('and two fishes [he divided] among them all') would be a possible reconstruction, in which case the wording was adapted from Mark 6, 41.

The lettering in the two lines consisted of capitals. D, E, F, I, M, T and V follow the forms of the 'Roman' capitals. So too did P and probably also B, although it is not clear whether their bows were open or closed. The version of 'Roman' M, in which the outer limbs are splayed and the central 'V' descends to the base-line, is hard to parallel in Anglo-Saxon inscriptions, although it does appear in English manuscripts written in English uncial such as the Codex Amiatinus (Lowe 1960, pl. IXa; Alexander 1978, ill. 23). The splayed form of M can also be found in the dedication inscription at Jarrow and on a cross-shaft found at St Leonard's Place in York, although in both cases the central 'V' stops well short of the base-line (Okasha 1971, pls. 61, 147; Higgitt 1979, 357, 359, pls. LXVa–b, LXVIIa). In addition there are, in the lower inscription, two angular variants of capitals: lozenge-shaped O and 'reversed-Z' S. Both forms occur in both early and later Anglo-Saxon inscriptions, although lozenge-shaped O is less common (Okasha 1964–8, table 1a). The C in the upper line was perhaps also intended as the rectangular variant but, if so, its corners are rounded and not angled.

The lettering is reasonably neat but not entirely regular, the I in the last line, for example, departing some way from the vertical. It is worn but even the better preserved letters show little sign of serifing.

The style of carving and some features link this sculpture to Dewsbury 1–3 and Dewsbury 4, but the traces of the same cable moulding as on Dewsbury 4, on the right-hand edge, and the clear indications that it was a squared shaft, link it most strongly to Dewsbury 4, although on 4 the panel dividers are not of the same form and have no inscriptions.

The story of the wedding at Cana, in which Jesus turned water into wine after being warned by Mary that there was none left, is based on John 2, 1–11. Like the Feeding of the Five Thousand it was from early times a reading for the Feast of the Epiphany, and like the latter scene was also regarded as prefiguring the Last Supper (Schiller 1971, 162–4). Early examples show Christ with the water pots at his feet, to which he points, sometimes with a staff, or else he blesses them. A witnessing apostle with a scroll or book, taken to be John from whose Gospel the story is drawn, likewise appears early, as on a fourth-century sarcophagus from Arles (ibid., pl. 464). Christ sometimes carries a staff crucifix. A servant or servants obeying Christ could also be included, and it is this detail which Hawkes (2003b, 361, pl. 22.7; Jewell 2001, 259–61, fig. 17.5) considered to be represented on a fragment from Breedon, Leicestershire. Mary appears at least from the sixth century in both east and west: for example she stands to Christ's right in the Syrian Gospels of Rabbula, c. 586 (Schiller 1971, pl. 467). In a Carolingian ivory a much developed iconography appeared, in which the wedding feast with the water pots and Mary's warning to Christ were shown as separate scenes, though side by side (ibid., pl. 470). Along with this, however, the older model showing a tight group with three figures — Christ, John and Mary, or Christ, Mary and a servant, with varying numbers of water pots in front — also continued or was revived (ibid., pl. 469). The Dewsbury version is clearly a revival of the earlier type, perhaps copied from a Carolingian ivory.

It has been suggested that one of the scenes on the Masham pillar was the Miracle at Cana (Lang 2001, 171, ill. 621), because 'it is possible the enthroned figure has jars in front of him', but if so it had a different iconography. Hawkes (1989, I, 120) saw this as having three standing figures, rather than a throne with tall arm finials, which makes it more plausible as a comparable scene, especially if the jars can be confirmed, but she was able to suggest several other possibilities for three standing figures. It is in fact too worn for certain identification, but it would be very interesting if these two sites could be shown to share more of the same iconography. It is otherwise possibly found in Anglo-Saxon sculpture only in the fragment from Breedon, Leicestershire, noted above.

The Miracle of the Loaves and Fishes, sometimes called the Feeding of the Five Thousand, is attested in all four gospels. Matthew 14, 13–21, Mark 6, 30–44, Luke 9, 10–17, and John 6, 1–13 record the well-known version, with five loaves and two fishes, and five thousand followers 'besides women and children' fed. Matthew 15, 32–9 and Mark 8, 1–9 both record a second variant of the same story, of the feeding of four thousand followers with seven loaves and a few fishes. It is St John's Gospel, however, which explains fully the significance which the scene acquired. It is John who records that Christ blessed the food, gave thanks and broke the bread, and gave it to the disciples to distribute to the multitude. This was, and is, seen as clearly prefiguring the Last Supper and the institution of the Eucharist: later in the same chapter Christ says: 'I am the bread of Life; he who comes to me shall not hunger, and he who believes in me shall never thirst' (John 6, 35); a message which he repeats in verse 51. A large part of the chapter is in fact an extended exposition, by Christ, of the eschatological significance of the miraculous meal. Not surprisingly therefore representations of the scene have all these layers of significance, as Bailey (1996a, 59–61) has shown in an important discussion of the meaning of this scene on a cross-shaft of similar date from Hornby in Lancashire. He discusses its Eucharistic associations, as a 'type' of the Last Supper and a sign of God's power to sustain His people. The layout of the scene at Dewsbury is different, however, without the overt reference to the cross as a fruiting tree which is so prominent a part of the complexity of the Hornby cross (ibid., pl. 2).

The earliest type seems to be a group of three figures, with Christ between two apostles handing him a basket of bread and a platter for the fish, both of which he blesses: this occurs on an early fourth-century sarcophagus in Rome (Schiller 1971, pl. 476). Interestingly this has six other bread baskets at the apostles' feet. On Maximian's throne, Ravenna, two more apostles are crowded into the background behind the central three: in this case the basket seems to hold five loaves. The feeding of the multitude is a separate scene on another panel (ibid., pls. 480–1). Scenes in which Christ blesses the platters held out to him while further baskets of bread and fish stand off to one side occurred early, as in a Syrian manuscript depiction of the sixth century which shows the blessing group on the left, seven baskets in the centre, and the multitude seated in the grass to the right, waiting to be fed (ibid., pl. 479) . It is hard to know in this case whether the baskets represent the original gift, or the baskets of fragments left over (twelve baskets in the first variant, seven in the second). That there was an early type in which Christ stood to the right with six witnessing figures behind him, blessing the loaves and fishes displayed on the left, is show by an Ottonian manuscript illumination of c. 1000, which has just this scene, although there are also the other six apostles on the left (ibid., pl. 486).

It is rather interesting that in the Visigothic and Gallican liturgies, but not in the Roman liturgy, the Baptism of Christ, the Wedding at Cana, and in some places the Feeding of the Five Thousand, were all commemorated on the Feast of the Epiphany; and that this practice was known at least at Lindisfarne in the seventh century is attested in all manuscripts of the Anonymous Life of St Cuthbert, book II, chapter 4 (Bullough 1998, 114–15). The practice may therefore have been more widely known in Northumbria, but it was also widely known in the early Church, however, so copying from earlier models with the themes combined in the classicising phase of Anglian art is also not impossible.

As suggested by the Hornby example discussed above, the scene is relatively well-attested in Anglo-Saxon sculpture, and within the West Riding there is another later version of this scene at Kildwick (no. 1A, Ill. 391).

Inscriptions The two inscriptions consisted of short Latin texts, apparently adaptations rather than literal quotations from accounts in the Vulgate of the miracles represented in the panels below. The texts apparently referred only to the literal meanings of the scenes. The inscription bands allowed little room, and so the texts were brief and they seem both to have ended with abbreviations by suspension (a(qua) and pis(ces) ). It was very unusual for pre-Viking Anglo-Saxon figure sculpture to be accompanied by inscriptions in Latin that consisted of more than names (Higgitt 1986b, 136–7). The Ruthwell Cross, on which Latin inscriptions occupy both the horizontal and vertical framing bands, is the only extant parallel (Okasha 1971, 108–10; Cassidy 1992, pls. 11–26). The Ruthwell texts consisted of quotations and paraphrases of the Vulgate and of other short texts that identified or amplified the meanings of the individual panels of figure sculpture. The Latin texts recorded by John Leland on the largely destroyed Reculver Cross seem on the other hand to have been short passages spoken by the figures of Christ and four apostles (Tweddle et al. 1995, 109, 159–60).

The lettering consisted predominantly of 'Roman' capitals, the only two extant exceptions being simple angular variations on the capitals. There are no forms derived from Insular majuscule in what remains. The mixture of 'Roman' and angular forms is similar to that on the Jarrow dedication inscription of c. 685, but the plain forms seen on the Dewsbury 5 fragment can be matched in both early and late Anglo-Saxon inscriptions. The splayed form of M is more unusual but could be explained by contact with a tradition which employed 'Roman' capitals as a display script. This speculation cannot be tested, given the lack of surviving decorated manuscripts that can be attributed to centres in Deira.

The lettering on Dewsbury 5, although somewhat smaller, is comparable to the few letters on Dewsbury 1 (Ills. 190–1). Both employ a combination of 'Roman' and angular capitals, although on Dewsbury 1 some represent Greek letters. Angular S, 'Roman' V and probably also straight-lined 'Roman' X appeared on both. The P used for rho on Dewsbury 1 may, however, derive from the tradition of Insular decorative capitals. The samples of lettering are too small, though, for the possible presence of an Insular form on Dewsbury 1 and the absence of Insular forms on Dewsbury 5 to be regarded as a significant difference. The lettering on the two stones could have been contemporary and could have appeared on the same monument. The lettering on Dewsbury 5, although somewhat smaller, is comparable to the few letters on Dewsbury 1 and 5.

Late eighth, early ninth century

Whitaker 1816, I, 301, pl. between 300/1; Haigh 1856–7, 509–11, pl. 3; Haigh 1859, 227–8; Whitaker 1859, 153– 4, fig. facing 154; Fowler 1870, 222–3, figs. facing 222; Robinson, J. 1872, 8, and fig.; Smith and Cheetham 1875, 849–50; (–––) 1882a, 449; Allen and Browne 1885, 354; Allen 1890, 297, 299, 310; Allen 1891, 163, no. 6; Morris 1911, 174; Collingwood 1912, 113, 129; Lethaby 1913, 159; Collingwood 1915a, 164–5, 289, fig. f on 164; Collingwood 1916–18, 46, fig. 22; Collingwood 1927, 6–7, 33, 73, 74, 109, 116, figs. 13(6), 91f; Collingwood 1929, 25, 27–8, fig. f on 25; Brown 1937, 186–7, pl. LIV, 2; Mee 1941, 119; Pevsner 1959, 179; Okasha 1964–8, 322; Cramp 1965, 9; Cramp 1967, 29–30, cat. 55, ill. on 29; Okasha 1971, 66–7, no. 32, and pl. (Dewsbury III); Cramp 1977, 210; Higgitt 1986b, 130, 136, 147; Cramp 1992, 33, 207; Harbison 1992, I, 253, 257, 322, III, fig. 834; Okasha 1992, 80; Sidebottom 1994, 87–8, 245, no. 1, and pl.; Cramp 1999, 9, fig. 1.1; Hadley 2000a, 248; Lang 2001, 171; Hawkes 2002b, 343–4; Hawkes 2003b, 359, 361, 367, pl. 22.6; Okasha 2004, 273

[1] The following are general references to the Dewsbury stones: Hunter 1834, 149–68; Nichols 1836, 39; Haigh 1857, 155n; Hübner 1876, 63, no. 173; Browne 1885–6, 128; Allen 1889, 129, 213, 217–18, 220, 222; Allen 1890, 293; Fowler 1903, 128; MacMichael 1906, 360–1; Morris 1911, 46, 174–5; Lethaby 1913, 158–9; Collingwood 1915b, 334; Glynne 1917a, 191; Collingwood 1923, 7; Collingwood 1927, 6–7, 33, 74, 109, 116, fig. 13(6); Collingwood 1929, 17, 22, 24, 28–9, 30, 33, fig. on 28; Collingwood 1932, 51, 53; Elgee and Elgee 1933, 196, fig. 36; Mee 1941, 119; Pevsner 1959, 20, 179; Cramp 1978a, 9; Faull 1981, 218; Ryder 1991, 20; Ryder 1993, 18, 149; Sidebottom 1994, 87–8, 156; Page 1995, 298; Lang and Wrathmell 1997, 375; Hadley 2000a, 248; Butler 2006, 93.